In Part Three, we recommended that Montgomery County’s state legislators do three things together to begin building clout in Annapolis: get organized, control the county’s campaign funding and limit new legislation. Today we finish the plan.
4. Jam the Committees
Most of the action in the state legislature happens in the committees. Prodded and spurred by leadership, the committee chairmen try to steer the Governor’s and the leaders’ priorities through their committees along with those of individual legislators and important groups. Most bills never make it out of committees. Montgomery’s legislators only chair one committee in each chamber, far less than the delegations from Baltimore City and Prince George’s County. But because of sheer numbers, Montgomery’s legislators have the most Democratic members of many of these committees. And through that membership comes power.
When the committee chair and the leaders begin polling committee members for their support on the leadership's priority bills, Montgomery’s legislators should not say yes or no. Instead, they should say something like, “I’m studying it.” “I’m talking to my colleagues about it.” “I’m undecided.” The Republicans can be counted on to oppose anything desired by the Governor or the Democratic leadership, so hesitation on the part of Montgomery’s legislators will throw the fate of more than a few bills into doubt.
This will make some of these committees very difficult for their chairs to manage. Consider the all-important Senate Budget and Taxation Committee. It has 15 members, of whom three are from Montgomery and four are Republicans. If all the Montgomery members and all the Republicans did not support a measure, Chairman Ulysses Currie would have a remaining margin of just one vote. That is awfully tight.
Consider the House Judiciary Committee. It has 22 members, of whom five are from Montgomery and six are Republicans. If all of the Montgomery and Republican delegates did not support a bill, it could not pass through the committee.
Here’s how the ten standing committees of the two chambers break down:
Senate Budget and Taxation: 15 members, 3 from Montgomery, 4 Republicans. Remaining margin: 1 vote.
Senate Education, Health and Environmental Affairs: 9 members, 1 from Montgomery, 3 Republicans. Remaining margin: 1 vote.
Senate Finance: 11 members, 1 from Montgomery, 3 Republicans. Remaining margin: 3 votes.
Senate Judicial Proceedings: 11 members, 3 from Montgomery (including the Chair), 4 Republicans. Remaining margin: Negative 3 votes.
House Appropriations: 26 members, 4 from Montgomery, 6 Republicans. Remaining margin: 6 votes.
House Economic Matters: 23 members, 3 from Montgomery, 6 Republicans. Remaining margin: 5 votes.
House Environmental Matters: 23 members, 3 from Montgomery, 6 Republicans. Remaining margin: 5 votes.
House Health and Government Operations: 24 members, 3 from Montgomery, 7 Republicans. Remaining margin: 2 votes.
House Judiciary: 22 members, 5 from Montgomery, 6 Republicans. Remaining margin: Zero votes.
House Ways and Means: 21 members, 6 from Montgomery (including the Chair), 5 Republicans. Remaining margin: Negative 1 vote.
By sticking together, the Montgomery delegation can make many of these committees difficult (or even impossible) to control. This is a gigantic opportunity for leverage over the leadership that can only be exploited through cooperation and discipline.
5. String it Out Until the End
Everyone knows that little happens in Annapolis until the last two weeks of the general session. Consider the order of battle if the prior four steps are followed. Montgomery’s legislators have agreed on a common program to protect their county. A few rogues have strayed, been chastised, and been brought back into compliance. Prior to the session, many political contributors in the county have mysteriously slowed down their rate of giving to anti-Montgomery politicians. Montgomery’s legislators have introduced an unusually low number of bills. Few of the Governor’s and the leadership’s priorities have moved out of the committees because of a lack of support from the Montgomery delegation. And now the end of the session is approaching.
Suddenly, Big Daddy and the Governor will be ready to deal. What is Montgomery’s price? At this point, the concessions demanded by the newly-empowered Montgomery delegation could be significant: no transfer of teacher pensions, more education money, more transportation money. And they will get most of it if they stick to our plan because the Governor and the leaders will have no other choice.
Organization defeats disorganization, willpower defeats weakness and leadership defeats fecklessness. Every single time. So what are you waiting for, Montgomery legislators? It's time to take charge in Annapolis!
Showing posts with label Clout in Annapolis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Clout in Annapolis. Show all posts
Thursday, July 10, 2008
Wednesday, July 9, 2008
How to Get Clout in Annapolis, Part Three
In Part Two, we heard from a Montgomery County budget official that a possible state shifting of teacher pension funding down to the counties would result in a fiscal “nuclear explosion.” Montgomery’s statehouse delegation successfully resisted that fate in 2008, but it may happen next year. If not, Governor O’Malley, Senate President Mike Miller and the other statehouse leaders will find some other way to extract money from “the state’s piggy bank.” It is time for our state legislators to fight back. They can do it successfully if they implement the following five steps:
1. Get Organized
When Senator Rona Kramer (D-14) revolted against the special session tax package because she believed it drew too much on Montgomery County, no other Montgomery Senator joined her and she was demoted by Mike Miller. When Senators Kramer and Rich Madaleno (D-18) revolted against the millionaire tax, again because they believed it would damage their county, only a minority of the county’s delegation supported them. Lonely rebellions fail. Organized revolts can succeed.
Montgomery’s state legislators have a county delegation structure, as do many other counties in the state. This delegation structure does not function as a hierarchical, authority-wielding organization, but rather as a clearinghouse to develop and focus the priorities of the legislators. So far, it has proven insufficient to unite and direct the delegation. That must change. Unless the delegation agrees on a common list of priorities, a strategic plan to enhance the county’s clout and an accompanying internal enforcement mechanism, it will never out-Miller Big Daddy.
In the next four steps we will suggest the elements of such a plan. But organization and discipline are key prerequisites. Once a plan is agreed to, there must be consequences for renegades. Possible punishments range from defeat of an offender’s local bills (bills that apply to the county and must be approved by the delegation) all the way up to bans from district campaign slates. Without punishment, Montgomery’s legislators will strike out on their own and the delegation will not hold together – a situation that critics allege happens all too often right now.
2. Control the Campaign Funding
Many state politicians rely on Montgomery County for one thing: campaign money. Even when they act against the county’s interests, Mike Miller and his co-conspirators will periodically swoop in here for cash. But most of the contributors who live here depend on our state legislators for one thing or another. That gives our legislators leverage over who gets that money and who does not.
Our delegation needs to send a message to all major contributors who live in Montgomery and rely on them for help: do not give money to state politicians who damage the county. Any contributors who break this rule will fall into disfavor with the delegation. This message will be doubly effective if it is also delivered by county politicians. It is bad enough for a major contributor to cross the state legislators; it is even worse to run afoul of the county’s power-brokers at the same time. When Big Daddy’s allies begin to see their private campaign spigots go dry, they will understand that a new day is coming.
3. For Now, Limit New Legislation
Montgomery’s eager, idealistic legislators introduce lots of bills and many of them work hard to get them passed. That is perfectly understandable: the best legislators have clear policy goals and do their best to get them implemented. Over the long run, that is great for both the legislators and the people. But in the short run, there is a cost.
Simply put, getting a bill passed requires an expenditure of political capital. Any legislator who convinces someone else to vote for their bill – or especially, someone in the leadership to support it – is in their debt. Now a favor is owed. When the leader returns to that legislator asking for repayment, the legislator has to seriously consider the request, even if it goes against his or her hometown interest. And so some Montgomery legislators may find themselves pressured to go against the county’s interests to support their public policy goals.
The solution to this is to stop introducing lots of bills. Now the relationship is reversed. A legislator who supports other legislators’ bills accumulates political capital and owes less of it to anyone else. At the appropriate moment, those debts can be cashed in. If the Montgomery delegation followed a common policy to limit introduction of bills, its members would gradually build up a treasure trove of favors by helping others. This will prove valuable later.
We will finish our plan in Part Four.
1. Get Organized
When Senator Rona Kramer (D-14) revolted against the special session tax package because she believed it drew too much on Montgomery County, no other Montgomery Senator joined her and she was demoted by Mike Miller. When Senators Kramer and Rich Madaleno (D-18) revolted against the millionaire tax, again because they believed it would damage their county, only a minority of the county’s delegation supported them. Lonely rebellions fail. Organized revolts can succeed.
Montgomery’s state legislators have a county delegation structure, as do many other counties in the state. This delegation structure does not function as a hierarchical, authority-wielding organization, but rather as a clearinghouse to develop and focus the priorities of the legislators. So far, it has proven insufficient to unite and direct the delegation. That must change. Unless the delegation agrees on a common list of priorities, a strategic plan to enhance the county’s clout and an accompanying internal enforcement mechanism, it will never out-Miller Big Daddy.
In the next four steps we will suggest the elements of such a plan. But organization and discipline are key prerequisites. Once a plan is agreed to, there must be consequences for renegades. Possible punishments range from defeat of an offender’s local bills (bills that apply to the county and must be approved by the delegation) all the way up to bans from district campaign slates. Without punishment, Montgomery’s legislators will strike out on their own and the delegation will not hold together – a situation that critics allege happens all too often right now.
2. Control the Campaign Funding
Many state politicians rely on Montgomery County for one thing: campaign money. Even when they act against the county’s interests, Mike Miller and his co-conspirators will periodically swoop in here for cash. But most of the contributors who live here depend on our state legislators for one thing or another. That gives our legislators leverage over who gets that money and who does not.
Our delegation needs to send a message to all major contributors who live in Montgomery and rely on them for help: do not give money to state politicians who damage the county. Any contributors who break this rule will fall into disfavor with the delegation. This message will be doubly effective if it is also delivered by county politicians. It is bad enough for a major contributor to cross the state legislators; it is even worse to run afoul of the county’s power-brokers at the same time. When Big Daddy’s allies begin to see their private campaign spigots go dry, they will understand that a new day is coming.
3. For Now, Limit New Legislation
Montgomery’s eager, idealistic legislators introduce lots of bills and many of them work hard to get them passed. That is perfectly understandable: the best legislators have clear policy goals and do their best to get them implemented. Over the long run, that is great for both the legislators and the people. But in the short run, there is a cost.
Simply put, getting a bill passed requires an expenditure of political capital. Any legislator who convinces someone else to vote for their bill – or especially, someone in the leadership to support it – is in their debt. Now a favor is owed. When the leader returns to that legislator asking for repayment, the legislator has to seriously consider the request, even if it goes against his or her hometown interest. And so some Montgomery legislators may find themselves pressured to go against the county’s interests to support their public policy goals.
The solution to this is to stop introducing lots of bills. Now the relationship is reversed. A legislator who supports other legislators’ bills accumulates political capital and owes less of it to anyone else. At the appropriate moment, those debts can be cashed in. If the Montgomery delegation followed a common policy to limit introduction of bills, its members would gradually build up a treasure trove of favors by helping others. This will prove valuable later.
We will finish our plan in Part Four.
Tuesday, July 8, 2008
How to Get Clout in Annapolis, Part Two
In Part One, we covered the prevailing opinion of many about our county’s state legislators: they need to improve their effectiveness in protecting Montgomery’s interests in Annapolis. Step one in doing that is examining the incentives of the opponents.
One of the biggest obstacles to Montgomery’s clout in Annapolis is Senate President Mike Miller. Back in May, we offered this description of Miller’s practice of power:
House Speaker Mike Busch has similar incentives as the Senate President, but he has a larger margin in his chamber and is generally more subtle than Miller. As for the Governor, he is focused on winning Baltimore County in his re-election campaign. So the three most powerful politicians in the state are united in one objective: directing state funding to just about anywhere else other than Montgomery County. Why? Because it does no good to them to shore up an area that is supposedly wealthy enough to take care of itself and liberal enough to vote Democratic no matter what. This is a severe problem for every Montgomery County politician, state and local.
Montgomery has carried this burden for a long time but now things are coming to a head. As we have previously chronicled, the tax hikes of the 2007 special session and the spending cuts of the 2008 general session have not eliminated the state’s long-run budget deficit. Since the legislature will not implement any more major tax increases prior to the next election year and many significant spending cuts have already been made, only two options remain: revenue from the slots referendum and sending teacher pension obligations, which are now mostly paid by the state, down to the counties. Montgomery budget officials tell me that if pension funding is shifted down from the state, the county would face an extra $120 million per year in costs or more. Putting that in perspective, each percentage point of the county’s 5% public employee union pay increase equals about $20 million. That means Montgomery County could cancel the entire pay increase for all of its unionized employees and still be unable to pay the cost of assuming state-funded teacher pensions. One high-ranking budget official described the fiscal impact of a state handoff of pension funding as “a nuclear explosion.”
Will Montgomery County be spared this fate if the slots referendum passes? Not necessarily, for three reasons. First, it will take several years for any casinos to be up and running. Second, slots revenues may not be as high as projected (currently estimated at over $500 million per year). Third, an election year is coming in 2010. The Governor and the legislative leaders will be looking to spend some serious money to get votes. If slots money is not enough, pension obligations may have to be shed. And that means a state-sponsored fiscal nuke will annihilate Montgomery County’s budget.
But our delegation can fight back. We’ll learn how in Part Three.
One of the biggest obstacles to Montgomery’s clout in Annapolis is Senate President Mike Miller. Back in May, we offered this description of Miller’s practice of power:
Better than anyone, Mike Miller understands the volatile and fragile mix of ego, fear, hope, insecurity and the needy desire to be loved that defines most politicians. He knows how to push every one of those buttons. He praises obedient Senators as courageous. He predicts dire consequences for the wayward. He shuffles subcomittee chairmanships and vice-chairmanships like cards in an ever-winning hand. He elevates junior Senators above senior ones when they stick with the boss. A longtime Annapolis player told me, “We call him Big Daddy. When people screw up, he doesn’t get mad at them. Instead, he tells them he's ‘disappointed.’ No one wants to let Dad down.”Big Daddy is a formidable opponent for anyone seeking more power in state politics, including Governors. Mike Miller wants two things: first, as many Democratic seats in the Senate as he can get, and second, making the holders of those seats dependent on him for money and support. Those two goals go together. As the Democratic Party pushes out into conservative areas (like the Baltimore suburbs, the Eastern Shore and Western Maryland) and increases its Senate ranks, the Democrats who hold those outlying seats are vulnerable. Both Miller and Governor O’Malley have an obvious incentive to direct as much campaign money and state funding to those districts as possible. If Miller can help those vulnerable Senators survive, they will be grateful – and obedient – to the boss. This will increase Miller’s stranglehold on power. But the strategy is only feasible if the resources controlled by Miller and O’Malley are directed to these fragile districts. That means they cannot be tied up in Montgomery County, especially if the delegations in Baltimore City and Prince George’s County are restive.
House Speaker Mike Busch has similar incentives as the Senate President, but he has a larger margin in his chamber and is generally more subtle than Miller. As for the Governor, he is focused on winning Baltimore County in his re-election campaign. So the three most powerful politicians in the state are united in one objective: directing state funding to just about anywhere else other than Montgomery County. Why? Because it does no good to them to shore up an area that is supposedly wealthy enough to take care of itself and liberal enough to vote Democratic no matter what. This is a severe problem for every Montgomery County politician, state and local.
Montgomery has carried this burden for a long time but now things are coming to a head. As we have previously chronicled, the tax hikes of the 2007 special session and the spending cuts of the 2008 general session have not eliminated the state’s long-run budget deficit. Since the legislature will not implement any more major tax increases prior to the next election year and many significant spending cuts have already been made, only two options remain: revenue from the slots referendum and sending teacher pension obligations, which are now mostly paid by the state, down to the counties. Montgomery budget officials tell me that if pension funding is shifted down from the state, the county would face an extra $120 million per year in costs or more. Putting that in perspective, each percentage point of the county’s 5% public employee union pay increase equals about $20 million. That means Montgomery County could cancel the entire pay increase for all of its unionized employees and still be unable to pay the cost of assuming state-funded teacher pensions. One high-ranking budget official described the fiscal impact of a state handoff of pension funding as “a nuclear explosion.”
Will Montgomery County be spared this fate if the slots referendum passes? Not necessarily, for three reasons. First, it will take several years for any casinos to be up and running. Second, slots revenues may not be as high as projected (currently estimated at over $500 million per year). Third, an election year is coming in 2010. The Governor and the legislative leaders will be looking to spend some serious money to get votes. If slots money is not enough, pension obligations may have to be shed. And that means a state-sponsored fiscal nuke will annihilate Montgomery County’s budget.
But our delegation can fight back. We’ll learn how in Part Three.
Monday, July 7, 2008
How to Get Clout in Annapolis, Part One
Montgomery County Council President Mike Knapp, during the council’s recent budget debate:
It does not have to be this way. I have met most of our state legislators. Almost all are extremely bright. In fact, no other delegation from any other part of the state can match our people in sheer braininess. Many of our legislators have experience in the federal government as staffers or lobbyists. Many are experts in their policy areas. While the delegation is handicapped by a lack of seniority, the younger legislators are clever and ambitious. And they have the advantage of numbers: Montgomery’s legislators account for 8 of 34 Democratic Senators (24%) and 24 of 104 Democratic Delegates (23%), the biggest bloc in the state. Our legislators have the makings of a great fighting unit for the interests of Montgomery County residents. But first they have a bit of work to do. We’ll get started in Part Two.
Montgomery County is “the state’s piggy bank.”Senator Rona Kramer (D-14), commenting on Governor O’Malley’s broken promise on Montgomery school construction funding:
“I think he's not sensitive to the needs of Montgomery County, and that he's taking the county for granted.”Gazette columnist Blair Lee:
“The problem is: once a chump, always a chump. Lawmakers who sell out are promoted but never respected. That’s why it was so easy this week for Governor O’Malley to break his promise to give MoCo $55 million of school construction aid in exchange for MoCo’s special session tax and slots votes. Instead, we’re only getting $46.3 million. Can you imagine O’Malley ripping off PG County or Baltimore city that way?Unnamed Montgomery County politician:
Until MoCo stands up on its hind legs, it will always be shortchanged, double-crossed and pushed around in Annapolis.”
“Our guys are pathetic. Every year they go to Annapolis and every year we get jacksh*t!”And so it goes. I hear some version of this from nearly everyone outside of the county’s statehouse delegation (and even a softer variant from a couple legislators themselves). The common assessment is that the county’s state legislators are, for the most part, intelligent and progressive but insufficiently parochial. They may get occasional wins on a few liberal priorities, but Baltimore City gets huge amounts of state subsidies and the Prince George’s delegation received a state bailout of their hospital. In the meantime, Montgomery taxpayers get 15 cents back in aid for every dollar they pay in taxes, less than half the state average of 35 cents.
It does not have to be this way. I have met most of our state legislators. Almost all are extremely bright. In fact, no other delegation from any other part of the state can match our people in sheer braininess. Many of our legislators have experience in the federal government as staffers or lobbyists. Many are experts in their policy areas. While the delegation is handicapped by a lack of seniority, the younger legislators are clever and ambitious. And they have the advantage of numbers: Montgomery’s legislators account for 8 of 34 Democratic Senators (24%) and 24 of 104 Democratic Delegates (23%), the biggest bloc in the state. Our legislators have the makings of a great fighting unit for the interests of Montgomery County residents. But first they have a bit of work to do. We’ll get started in Part Two.
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